Parliamentary Affairs - recent issues

Charter 88 and the Constitutional Reform Movement: a Retrospective

Erdos, D. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

This paper argues that Charter 88 was fundamentally both the product and catalyser of an ‘aversive’ constitutionalist reaction on the Left and Centre of British politics to the perceived excesses of Thatcherite Conservative rule. Alongside this, other longer term, secular trends were also important including the growth of a postmaterialist politics and the intellectual collapse of Marxism. However, although a number of Charter 88's domestic reforms were implemented by New Labour post-1997, the complete closing of this ‘aversive’ constitutional moment shortly afterwards proved fatal to the continued dynamism of this movement. Despite this, both the Charter's vision of a genuinely pluralist democracy in Britain and its legacy of a renewed vitality in constitutional debate remain potent within the contemporary constitutional reform landscape.

Some Intellectual Origins of Charter 88

Howe, S. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

Charter 88 was not (despite some hostile critics' claims) a movement mainly founded on abstract ideas, nor one specifically of, by or for intellectuals. Yet it had a very diverse set of intellectual roots and influences, drawing on many currents of thought ranging from global developments in democratic political theory, through essays in rethinking the histories of Britishness, to specifically Scottish and Welsh intellectual innovations—as well as ranging from the (former) disciples of Leon Trotsky to those of Edmund Burke. This article seeks to trace some at least of those multiple currents of intellectual input into the movement, and suggests that both the greatest achievement and the greatest mystery of Charter 88 is how successfully and on the whole very amicably their adherents managed to work together.

Revisiting Charter 88

Rustin, M. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

This article reviews the emergence of Charter 88 as a response to a particular political conjuncture in British politics. It argues that its programme of reform was not so much an attempt to resolve a political crisis that had proved unmanageable within the existing constitutional settlement, as an attempt to redefine and achieve the political goals of the liberal left by constitutional means. The article discusses the considerable successes of the Charter, limited only by the fact that the incoming New Labour government of 1997 could afford to dispense with the formal Liberal Democrat support on which the full implementation of the Charter 88 reform programme depended. The article describes how the deeper aim of the Charter to give radical politics in Britain a new democratic republican shape has thus been stalled, caught between the continuing sovereignty accorded by New Labour to market imperatives and their emerging new forms of governance, and a residual collectivist centralism.

Charter 88, Democratic Constitutionalism and Europeanisation: Ambiguous Relationships?

Erdos, D. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

This paper examines the complex and ambiguous relationship between Charter 88, its philosophy of democratic constitutionalism and the Europeanisation of the UK. On the one hand, increased European linkages have proved helpful to the achievement of many of the Charter's domestic goals. Nevertheless, the modalities of European political integration sit in a relationship of tension with the Charter's democratic constitutionalist philosophy. As an organisation, Charter/Unlock Democracy has shown only a limited awareness of this tension and, in particular, has failed to appreciate the considerable difficulties of creating a genuine demos at the European level. This article argues that democratic constitutionalism would best be served a more modest and focused EU which respects popular sovereignty and matches its competences to those legitimately managed by transnational governance mechanisms.

Putting the Ombudsman into Constitutional Context

Kirkham, R., Thompson, B., Buck, T. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

This article argues that in debates on constitutional reform more attention should be paid to the potential contained in the office of the ombudsman. To illustrate the point it demonstrates that four of the constitutional demands made by the Charter 88 movement are already partially fulfilled by the ombudsman. The argument is also made that both within and outside the UK there have been a number of developments in ombudsman practice in recent years that suggest that more is already being made of the ombudsman institution than previously understood.

Assessing How Far Charter 88 and the Constitutional Reform Coalition Influenced Voting System Reform in Britain

Dunleavy, P. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

Led in large part by Charter 88 and the Scottish Constitutional Convention, the activities of the constitutional reform movement since the early 1990s have clearly helped to introduce new proportional voting systems into UK politics. Yet, at the same time, the Labour governments after 1997 decisively rejected voting reform for the House of Commons and dragged out Lords reform to prevent any direct election of a second chamber. To explore how Charter 88 and other groups influenced this process, I first examine and critique the conventional wisdom that the reform movement's had minimal influence, as expressed by Anthony King's 2007 book, The British Constitution. Second, to illuminate the processes that King leaves so obscure, I chart three critical games played largely inside the Labour party from 1994 to 2003:

– the pre-election game that led to Blair's initial pledge of a referendum on voting reform;

– the ‘new institutions’ game that produced a welter of new proportional voting systems everywhere else but Westminster; and

– the post-landslide game that led to Labour reneging on the voting system referendum pledge, plus taking no action on Commons or Lords electoral reform.

Despite these latter setbacks a large-scale transition of UK voting systems has already taken place. British voters are increasingly used to proportional representation and the defence of plurality rule is intellectually dead (as the weaknesses of King's analysis inadvertently demonstrate). So the overall story is one of unprecedented success for electoral reformers, of a piece with the ineluctable transition to complex multi-party systems across all the nations and regions of the UK.

Charter 88, New Labour and Constitutional Anomie

Flinders, M. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

Charter 88 was committed to achieving one central aim—shifting the nature of British democracy from a highly majoritarian polity to a more pluralistic or consensual model of democracy. This article argues that New Labour has not demonstrated a clear commitment to a more consensual or pluralist model of democracy but has instead implemented a bi-constitutional system whereby a system of ‘modified majoritarianism’ has been retained at the national level while at the same time creating more consensual and pluralistic polities in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. However bi-constitutionalism within a unitary state is unlikely to prove unstable in the long-term. A focus on future dynamics opens up space not only for the assertion that it may still be too soon to comprehend the legacy and impact of Charter 88 (because the organisation's work planted certain seeds that may in the long-term indirectly lead to systemic change of the nature it campaigned for) but also because there exists a contemporary need for groups like Charter 88 in providing a new narrative in the form of a holist approach to understanding and shaping the constitutional configuration, thereby providing a form of constitutional morality and ending the current situation of constitutional anomie.

Taking the Temperature of the Political Elite 4: Labour, Chronicle of a Defeat Foretold?

Kenny, M. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

Engagement and Participation: What the Public Want and How our Politicians Need to Respond

Fox, R. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

Following the parliamentary expenses scandal, an array of parliamentary and constitutional reforms has been proposed as a means to re-establish public trust and confidence in MPs and Parliament. Populist measures designed to enhance public engagement and participation through more direct and participatory decision-making mechanisms have particularly gained traction in this debate. But many of these proposals fail to take account of what the public really wants in terms of engagement and participation. A more nuanced policy approach, which takes account of the complexity of public views, is required. Utilising the Hansard Society's annual Audit of Political Engagement this article analyses these complexities and suggests that two reforms in particular—enhanced political literacy education and a new House of Commons Petitions (Public Engagement) Committee—would make a difference in developing and sustaining public engagement and participation in the long-term.

The Future Governance of Citizenship

de Jong, S. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

The Architecture of Government: Rethinking Political Decentralization

Jones, E. — Wed, 30 Sep 2009 09:20:22 PDT

The Canary in a Coalmine? Explaining the Emergence of the British National Party in English Local Politics

Wilks-Heeg, S. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

The election of more than 60 British National Party (BNP) councillors across England from 2002–2007 does not sit easily with the conventional analysis of far-right parties in the UK, which has tended to dismiss the extreme right as an insignificant political force. Building on a recent Democratic Audit report on the BNP by Peter John et al. (The BNP – The Roots of its Appeal, University of Essex: Democratic Audit, 2006), this paper examines the dynamics of local party competition in the localities where the BNP has achieved greatest local representation. Through this analysis, the paper challenges the dominant view of the BNP, arguing that the BNP's breakthrough in English local elections must be understood as a warning signal about the state of local democracy in England and, in particular, an indicator of the advanced decay of local political parties.

Women Peers and Political Appointment: Has the House of Lords Been Feminised Since 1999?

Eason, C. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

When the House of Lords Act 1999 was passed, women's presence almost doubled overnight from 8.8% to 15.8%. Yet almost a decade later, the increases have been nominal, reaching 19.9% in December 2008. This article examines the feminisation of the House of Lords in terms of numbers from the point of reform to the present day to account for increases in women's representation, and why the increases are so modest. The article identifies clear facilitators and constraints to women's presence in the Lords. Individuals with the capacity to feminise are critical to the increased presence of women, yet peerages also compensate and correct women's low representation in other political arenas. Constraints on women's representation are largely due to historical, systemic and cultural factors with the outcome that one-fifth of the House's membership is effectively reserved for male peers.

The Salience of Foreign Affairs Issues in the German Bundestag

Jager, T., Oppermann, K., Hose, A., Viehrig, H. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

There is an institutional as well as a cognitive dimension to the Bundestag's ability to shape German foreign policy. Existing analyses, however, have disregarded the cognitive preconditions for the Bundestag members to make use of their institutionalised powers. We have operationalised the cognitive dimension of parliamentary influence through the concept of issue salience, which refers to the importance an actor ascribes to an issue on the political agenda. The article presents the results of two consecutive surveys among all Bundestag members in which we have measured the salience of foreign policy issues with respect to three points of reference: the salience of (1) substantive issue areas, (2) Germany's bilateral relationships and (3) Germany's relations to international organisations.

Delivering 'Public Value': Implications for Accountability and Legitimacy

Gains, F., Stoker, G. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

The possibility that public servants can act to create ‘public value’ offers a popular and potentially liberating normative code for the activity of public managers.¹ The adoption of the concept however implies a changed understanding of legitimacy and accountability for policy actions. It is argued this new ‘public service contract’ is likely to be easier to adopt in local settings than in the core executive although in neither case is the adoption of new modes of working between politicians, officials and citizens unproblematic. Old codes and informal ways of thinking provide an awkward backcloth for the adoption of public value as a guideline for public management.

Keeping Up with the Murphys? Candidate Cyber-campaigning in the 2007 Irish General Election

Sudulich, M. L., Wall, M. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

This article addresses the factors that influenced candidates' likelihood of cyber-campaigning in the 2007 Irish General Election. We consider the roles of party affiliation and support as well as intra-party competition, candidates' monetary and political resources and the marginality of the electoral race. We also provide the first empirical test to date of whether candidates' decisions to cyber-campaign are influenced by the behaviour of their direct political opponents. Monetary resources, party affiliation and the behaviour of opponents are found to have statistically significant effects on the probability of a candidate conducting a cyber-campaign.

Labour's 'Juridification' of the Constitution

Masterman, R. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

This article responds to a number of points made by Mark Bevir in his article ‘The Westminster Model, Governance and Judicial Reform’ [Parliamentary Affairs 61 (2008), 559–77], in which Bevir highlights the ‘increasing role of the courts in the processes of collective decision-making’ which has been the result of, inter alia (but of particular importance to Bevir's argument), the passage and implementation of the Human Rights Act 1998 and the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. This article puts forward an alternate view of Labour's recent record on constitutional reform, arguing that, while the contemporary constitution may have seen an increased degree of ‘juridification’ of the sort described by Bevir, the strengthening and development of political mechanisms of accountability has also been of considerable importance to Labour's constitutional reform programme, and that, as a result, the ‘juridification’ of the constitution is not the incontrovertible and relentless process that Bevir appears to suggest.

Juridification and Democracy

Bevir, M. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

Juridification, Sovereignty and Separation of Powers

Masterman, R. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

Taking the Temperature of the British Political Elite 3: When Grubby is the Order of the Day ...

Kenny, M. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

This Commentary assesses the causes and impact of the recent exposure of MPs' expenses claims by the Daily Telegraph. It first assesses ‘Smear-gate’ which immediately preceded these revelations and forced the resignation of one of the Prime Minister's advisers; and also takes in claims that members of the House of Lords sought cash to influence legislation. The expenses ‘scandal’ is then put into a wider context of declining public trust in politics. I then consider how the parties' often short-term responses may make matters better or worse. The Commentary concludes by asking how far the current furore presents the political class as a whole with the chance to mobilise support for a full transformation of the conduct of politics, something that might reverse the current trend towards greater disenchantment with Westminster politics.

The Effect of Digital Media on MPs' Communication with Constituents

Williamson, A. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

The internet has created opportunities to restructure communication between MPs and constituents and has led to an increase in opportunity and, in some cases, motivation for MPs to communicate online. This paper reports the findings of a survey of 168 MPs and a subsequent focus group of MPs and parliamentary staff. The research shows that email has become a ubiquitous tool of choice for most MPs and it is clearly perceived as a valuable tool for keeping in touch with constituents. The research describes both the rise of social networking and the reticence of MPs to adopt blogging; which is seen as a negative space and scatter-gun tool. The findings show that, where adopted, digital media can and does change the relationship between MPs and their constituents.

Policy Bureaucracy: Government with a Cast of Thousands

Lowe, R. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

Partisan Politics, Principle and Reform in Parliament and the Constituencies, 1869-1880: Essays in Memory of John A. Phillips

Stevens, C. — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 07:46:46 PDT

Editorial

Black, L., Cohen, G. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:52:59 PDT

Evaluating the Electoral Effects of Traditional and Modern Modes of Constituency Campaigning in Britain 1992-2005

Fisher, J., Denver, D. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:52:59 PDT

This article examines changes in the nature of constituency campaigning in Britain over the four general elections between 1992 and 2005. Using quantitative scales of traditional and modern forms of campaigning, the analysis suggests that, in general, traditional campaigning has declined in importance and that there has been increasing reliance on modern techniques. The article then considers the relative impact of more modern and more traditional campaigns on party vote share and electoral turnout. It shows that, in general, traditional campaigning tends to yield greater electoral payoffs, but that the positive impact of modern campaigning techniques upon turnout is growing.

Rethinking Activism: Lessons from the History of Women's Politics

Hunt, K. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

The study of women's politics in the past raises important questions for research on party activism of whatever sort, whether undertaken by historians or political scientists. The evidence discussed here is drawn from research on British women's politics from the 1880s to the 1920s, particularly, but not exclusively, from the experience of socialist, Labour and Communist women. However, it is argued that the issues raised have a much broader resonance. By reflecting on continuities and changes in the practice of women's politics, the case is made for the transformative effect of the adoption of a comparative and contextual approach to the study of activism.

Reconstructing Conservative Party Membership in World War II Britain

Thorpe, A. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

The reconstruction of past trends in party membership can be fraught, especially when parties themselves kept no aggregate records. This was the case with the British Conservative party prior to 1946. The aggregate figures never existed, and the data that would be required to construct no longer exist to the required extent. Nonetheless, this article argues that it is methodologically possible to offer more detailed analysis than hitherto, by analysing local as well as national-level Conservative sources, triangulating with the national-level Labour party statistics and taking insights from more explicitly political science literature. This paper's substantive argument is that although Conservative membership fell after 1939, it did not collapse; that it recovered somewhat from early 1943 onwards and that recovery then afforded the party a base from which it was able to build, with spectacular success after 1945.

Where Have All the Members Gone? The Dynamics of Party Membership in Britain

Whiteley, P. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

This paper examines current and past party membership in Britain by means of a large-scale internet-based survey. It shows that party members differ from voters in being higher status and more educated, but more likely to be retired than the population in general. It examines the differences between the characteristics of Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat members, and explores the differences between current and former members. The latter outnumber the former by almost two to one, indicating that the grassroots party organisations are continuing to decline in Britain. This paper then discusses the implications of this finding for British politics, suggesting that while parties at the centre will continue to operate, parties in the community will not fulfil their functions effectively. It then shows that a decline of membership will weaken partisanship in the electorate, and this in turn will undermine the effectiveness of central government in Britain.

Ireland says No (again): the 12 June 2008 Referendum on the Lisbon Treaty

O'Brennan, J. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

This article analyses the significance of the 12 June 2008 Lisbon Treaty referendum in the Republic of Ireland. This was the third such referendum on Europe held in Ireland since the millennium, and the second referendum in three to result in a rejection of an EU Treaty following the failed Nice poll in 2001. Assessing both the campaign itself and the reasons for the No vote, the article argues that while variables such as age, educational attainment, geography, gender and social class all have a part to play in explaining the outcome of the referendum, post-referendum analysis suggests that two key phenomena proved decisive. First, an enduring Irish attachment to an overwhelmingly exclusivist national identity rather than more open and fluid identity conceptions means that a space exists where issues such as neutrality, sovereignty and Ireland's relative influence in the EU institutional matrix can be readily exploited by opponents of the European integration process, and where any changes in the EU constitutional order can be emotively presented as an existential threat to Ireland's values and interests. Second, post-referendum analysis also suggests that lack of knowledge constituted a key reason for voting No. The absence of any effort by government to provide and promote sufficient information channels which explain how and why Ireland's EU membership matters means that EU ‘debates’ within Irish political culture are frequently characterised by apathy, confusion, and ignorance, in a context where the chasm in elite-popular opinion has grown wider. The referendum result also points to a growing Eurosceptic tendency in Ireland which has seen the size of the No vote increase from 17% in 1972 to a decisive majority of 53.4% in 2008, on a significantly higher turnout than either 2001 or 2002.

Elite Framing and Conflict Transformation in Turkey

Loizides, N. G. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

This article examines the effects of elite framing on conflict transformation. It utilises debates from the Turkish Grand National Assembly as the main source of empirical evidence and demonstrates the differences in the way Turkish parliamentarians framed national and foreign policy issues in the 1990s. For the most part, elite framing of Kurdish issues was predominantly monolithic and adversarial towards ‘ethnic others’, demonstrating few challenges to dominant nationalist narratives and discourses, while framing of Greek–Turkish disputes was diverse, with moderates cautiously challenging hardliners on the necessity of cooperating with Greece. The article unravels these elite framing strategies and illustrates how framing becomes embedded in public identities, opportunity structures and definitions of national interest, influencing crisis escalation and conflict management in the Eastern Mediterranean region.

Hayden Phillips and Jack Straw: The Continuation of British Exceptionalism in Party Finance?

Fisher, J. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

The former Prime Minister's review of party-funding reforms, chaired by Sir Hayden Phillips, reported in March 2007. It was followed in June 2008 by a White Paper from the Ministry of Justice. This article considers these proposals in the context of both previous reforms in Britain and trends in party-funding reform across the rest of Europe. It seeks to establish whether these proposals represent continuity in the British case, and the extent to which Britain arguably remains ‘exceptional’ in terms of party funding. It concludes that the Phillips review represented a potential partial break from British exceptionalism, whilst the White Paper represents a continuation. Both, however, provide further evidence of the fragility of the cartel model in respect of Britain.

Political Polarisation and Populism in Contemporary Hungary

Palonen, E. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

This article investigates the polarisation that dominates Hungarian politics and divides the political spectrum into two hegemonic camps. It explores frontier-building in Hungarian politics since 1989 in order to further an understanding of recent political developments. The aim of this paper is not to discuss the demands of regular political riots, but to put the problem into its proper context and longer-term perspective. It grasps the logic of polarisation as a bipolar hegemony and a political tool in postcommunist Hungary, demonstrating how schematic political identifications and polarisation itself have been constructed. Finally, it considers some of the problems polarisation poses for democracy.

Taking the Temperature of the Political Elite 2: The Professionals Move In?

Kenny, M. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

Parliament for the People? Public Knowledge, Interest and Perceptions of the Westminster Parliament

Kalitowski, S. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

There is a growing amount of evidence to support the contention that Britons are becoming increasingly disengaged from established politics. However, there has been little research about how the most traditional body of all—Parliament—fits into this picture of disenchantment. This article presents the key findings of Hansard Society commissioned polls as they relate to Parliament. They reveal very low levels of knowledge about Parliament but also suggest that roughly half of the population claims to have an interest in and a high regard for the institution—even if they do not think that it currently lives up to their ideals.

Democratising Conservative Leadership Selection: From Grey Suits to Grass Roots * Choosing the Tory Leader: Conservative Party Leadership Elections from Heath to Cameron

Bale, T. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT

The Liberal Mind, 1914-1929

Belzak, S. — Mon, 06 Apr 2009 06:53:00 PDT